In this year that we have now declared
the year from Shogun to Reagan,
I remember what I said about Reagan…meant it.
Acted like an actor…Hollyweird.
Acted like a liberal.
Acted like General Franco
when he acted like governor of California,
then he acted like a republican.
Then he acted like somebody was going to vote for him for president.
Gil Scott Heron “B-Movie”
Two weeks after the 2008 presidential elections, Cornel West, the preeminent negro intellectual in the world today, stated on Democracy Now! that the election of Barack Obama signals the beginning of the end of the ‘Age of Reagan.’ The Harvard trained intellectual proves that Carter G. Woodson’s famous saying remains true “Harvard has ruined more good negroes than bad whisky ever will.” In fact, the new administrations neoliberal economic advisors, bank bailouts, and support for wars of foreign aggression in Iraq and Afghanistan demonstrate the current period of right wing conservatism has not ended. Actually, the Tea party activist and politicians might represent a move from the current form of democratic or covert fascism to the openly white supremacist fascism seen during the era of segregation.
The seeds of the contemporary period begin, oddly enough, at the highpoint of the African Freedom Movement and World Revolution in the late 1960s. In 1968, Richard Nixon was elected President of the United States on a ‘law and order’ platform that appealed to the white middle class and southern segregationist. In addition, the FBI through its COINTELPRO targeted African and other revolutionary organizations for infiltration, imprisonment, and assassination. Although in the 1970s there were attempts to rebuild the movement from its peak of 1968, by the late 70s it was apparent this moment of African insurgency had ended unsuccessfully.
The consolidation of the right-wing national security elites, the moral majority, and fiscal conservatives in the 1970s culminated in the election of Ronald Reagan. In order to prove his White Nationalist credentials, Reagan kicked off his campaign in Philadelphia, MS where three civil rights workers were murdered by white supremacists in the 1960s. Dr. Ronald Walters, former chair of political science at Howard University, states “White Nationalism might be defined as that radical aspect of the Conservative Movement that intends to use both unofficial power and official power of the state to maintain White Supremacy by subordinating Blacks and other non-Whites.”
At the same time, the Reagan administration adopted neoliberal economic policies advanced by the University of Chicago Economics department. According to neoliberal ideology, human beings are primarily rational, self-interested actors, therefore, the state should be eliminated as much as possible so that human nature can flourish. Its characteristics are 1) removal of trade barriers 2) privatization 3) elimination of social services and 4) liberalization of financial markets.
In relation to Africans in America, the most debilitating aspect of this period is the emergence of the Prison Industrial Complex (PIC). For example, according a study reported in the New York Times, there were 143,000 African men in prison or jail in 1980 but by 2000 the number had exploded to 791,600. Moreover, African women are one of the fastest growing prison populations in the U.S.
This process of mass incarceration was facilitated by the passage of the Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1986, the Crime Control Act of 1994 and other draconian drug laws. Currently, in the United States a person convicted of possessing 5 grams of crack receives the same sentence in federal court as a person convicted of possessing 500 grams of powder cocaine. That is, literally, 1:100 ratio. What is the difference: the crack form of the drug is primarily used by lower income Africans and the powder form is the drug of choice for middle class and elite Whites. Then, in 1998, Rep. John Conyers entered into the congressional record a document called “A Tangled Web: A History of CIA Complicity in Drug International Trafficking” to show the role of the US government in the drug trade.
In 1994 the so-called ‘Republican Revolution’ facilitated the passage of White Nationalist legislation such as the previously mentioned drug laws. After gaining control of the House and Senate in 1994, the republicans revealed their Contract with America which focused on restoring so called traditional American values and fiscal conservatism. In an attempt to help the democratic party remain relevant, Bill “slick willie” Clinton began to chip away at the New Deal and Great society programs so that the democratic party platform corresponded to the Contract with America.
For example in 1996 Clinton signed welfare reform or PRWORA into law. The bill limited the amount of time a family could be on welfare to five years and had stringent work requirements. Unfortunately, the primary jobs available to undereducated and poor people are low-wage service jobs that do not offer a living wage. And, since Africans are disproportionately poor, they were and are unduly affected. Several of Clintons cabinet members resigned in protest asserting that the new law would cause increased poverty among children. Although these policies are a component of the White Nationalist assault, Africans are told the U.S. is a color blind, now post-racial, society. Therefore, according to the White Nationalists, their problems are the result of their bad morals and pathological behavior.
But don’t be fooled, Reagonmics is global. In 1980, Margaret Thatcher was elected Prime Minister of Britain. Both countries, particularly the U.S. uses the Bretton Woods institutions (IMF, World Bank, and United Nations) to project imperial power. The IMF and World Bank utilize the Washington Consensus to impose structural adjustment programs (SAP) on Africa, Asia, and Latin America. In short, poor formerly colonized countries with little to no capital must accept a neoliberal agenda to receive loans with interest thereby undermining their self-determination and further impoverishing the countries. For example, Joseph Stiglitz, winner of the Nobel prize for economics, claims that the policies of the IMF and World Bank have negatively impacted the economies of poor countries.
Iraq isn’t new, the U.S. will stop at nothing to impose its will on smaller countries. A case in point, in 1983 following a socialist revolution in Grenada led by the New Jewel Movement, the U.S. invaded the predominantly African nation of 100,000 people. Maurice Bishop, the prime minister, warned that the “state department views us as a threat because we represent a different path of socio-economic development.” A few years later in 1991, the CIA backed a coup on the predominantly African island of Haiti. Then, only returned Aristide, the democratically elected leader, to the country after he agreed to a SAP.
White Nationalist policies from Reagan to Obama are too long to list here. But, how can we transition out of this period? First, African activists, artists, intellectuals, and journalists must engage in an intense ideological struggle with, white and negro, White Nationalists who state “Black people are to blame for their own problems.” We have to unequivocally and boldly state our problem: imperialism and capitalism. This requires us to move from a defensive posture to an offensive posture. In other words, i am calling for something akin to Mao’s Cultural Revolution or the Black Consciousness Movement that challenges bourgeois values and elements in society. Finally, White Nationalism can only be defeated, i think, by Revolutionary Black Nationalism.
Butterfield, Fox. “Study Finds Big Increase in Black Men as Inmates Since 1980” New York Times August 28, 2002.
Cha-Jua Sundiata. “The New Nadir: The Contemporary Black Racial Formation” Black Scholar Spring 2010
DemocracyNow! Cornel West on the Election of Barack Obama: "I Hope He Is a Progressive Lincoln, I Aspire to Be the Frederick Douglass to Put Pressure on Him."
http://www.democracynow.org/2008/11/19/cornel_west_on_the_election_of
Harvey, David. (2005). A Brief History of Neoliberalism. New York: Oxford University Press.
Mitchell, Alison. “TWO CLINTON AIDES RESIGN TO PROTEST NEW WELFARE LAW” New York Times September 12, 1996.
Stiglitz, Joseph. (2003). Globalization and Its Discontents. New York: W.W. Norton & Co.
Umansky, Eric. “History 101: The CIA & Drugs.” MotherJones.
http://motherjones.com/politics/1998/06/history-101-cia-drugs
Walters, Ronald. (2003). White Nationalism, Black Interests: Conservative Public Policy and the Black Community. Detroit, MI: Wayne State University Press.
Friday, July 23, 2010
Tuesday, July 6, 2010
Two Sides of the Same Coin: Global Capitalism & U.S. Militarism
The Washington Post published a provocative article on June 4th 2010 entitled “U.S. ‘secret war’ expands globally as Special Operations forces take larger role.” The article shows that the Obama administration has continued the militaristic policies of the Bush administration by swelling the number of special operations troops in 75 countries compared to 60 at the beginning of last year. This illustrates that Black faces in high places (neocolonialism) doesn’t necessarily mean a change in policy. Therefore, its important to remember that the primary problem is not US militarism but imperialism and capitalism.
As the global economic situation worsens and the US is bogged down in wars, breaks in the system will occur which allow social movements to arise. To counter this trend, the United States, the military arm of transnational capital, will display more military aggression. Of course, the president is simply continuing the expansionary and imperialistic policies of the white settler regime in North America that started with the theft of First Nation (Native American) lands and enslavement of African people.
In 2008, the US navy reactivated the Fourth fleet. The Fourth fleet was established during World War II to combat the German Navy in Latin American waters. Following the end of the war, the fleet was deactivated. Although the US military contends the Fourth fleet’s reactivation is not a fundamental change in policy, governments in the region assert its purpose is to stop the rise of social movements in Latin America.
These fears are a product of the US Monroe doctrine beginning in the 1820s that stated the entire Western Hemisphere is the United States ‘sphere of influence.’ In keeping with the Monroe Doctrine, the US has overthrown virtually every government in Latin America from Guatemala (1954) to Chile (1973). The more recent coup attempts were in Venezuela (2002) and Bolivia (2008). Also, the leadership of the recent coup in Honduras (2010) was trained at the infamous ‘School of the Americas ’ in Fort Benning, Georgia.
Furthermore in 2008, the United States established the Africa Command (AFRICOM). While the US military declares that AFRICOM is only a restructuring of their command system due to Africa‘s ‘renewed importance’, African governments argue AFRICOMs creation is dependent upon the fact that the US will soon receive 25% of its oil from the African continent. These fears are not unfounded. The beginning of US diplomatic relations with the African continent were the European slave trade. Later, during the Cold War, the CIA supported several assassinations and coups such as in the Democratic Republic of Congo (1960) and Ghana (1966).
Moreover, in May 2008 the US conducted a war games exercise at the US Army War College in Carlisle, PA called “Unified Quest 2008.” The war games included a US response to continued “piracy” and insurgency in Somalia set in 2025 and the collapse of the Nigerian government in 2013. Although the details of the Somalia response were not disclosed, the response to the Nigerian scenario included the deployment of thousands of US troops to West Africa.
As a political commentator stated “you can’t have empire abroad and democracy at home.” Increased US militarism does not bode well for domestically colonized nations in the United States such as Chicanos and Africans. For example, the state of Arizona passed SB 1070 which de facto legalizes racial profiling and forces immigrants to provide documentation on request or risk being detained.
It must remembered, that Arizona was stolen from Mexico during the Mexican-American War. A case in point, in his newspaper the North Star Fredrick Douglass stated the US government “succeeded in robbing Mexico of her territory, and are rejoicing over their success under the hypocritical pretense of a regard for peace.” Similarly, in NYC residents are subjected to stop and frisk policies where upon ‘reasonable suspicion’ NYPD can search any individual for concealed weapons. The American Civil Liberties Union states over 80% those stopped were African or Latino. In addition, similar to checkpoints in Palestine or Afghanistan, in 2008, the DCPD set up checkpoints in the majority African neighborhood of Trinidad in Washington DC.
The African Freedom Movement in the United States has a long history of self-defense against state repression. Two notable works and organizations that should be studied by committed African activists, intellectuals, and street organizations (gangs) are the African Blood Brotherhood (ABB) and Kwame Nkrumah’s The Handbook of Revolutionary Warfare. Founded in 1919, the ABB was a revolutionary Black Nationalist organization that operated on a clandestine basis. They were crucial in the defense of Africans during white attacks on Black communities in the Red Summer of 1919. The Handbook describes how to conduct rural guerilla warfare on the African continent. The coming period of reaction will test our movement for national liberation and self determination.
Blum, William. Killing Hope: US Military and CIA Interventions Since World War II. Common Courage Press. 1995.
DeYounge, Karen & Jaffe, Greg. "U.S. 'secret war' expands globally as Special Operations forces take larger role." New York Times Friday June, 4 2010
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/06/03/AR2010060304965.html
Douglass, Frederick. “Frederick Douglass on the Mexican America War,” in Herbert Aptheker, ed. A Documentary History of the Negro People. vol. 1 (New York: Citadel Press, 1967), 267.
Kozloff, Nikolas. “U.S. Fleet in Venezuelan Waters” CounterPunch May 24-25, 2008.
http://www.counterpunch.org/kozloff05242008.html.
Nkrumah, Kwame. The Handbook of Revolutionary Warfare: A Guide to the Armed Phase of the African Revolution. (International Publishers 1968).
Volman, Daniel. U.S. Military Involvement in Nigeria. September 2009.
http://concernedafricascholars.org/african-security-research-project/?p=83
African Blood Brotherhood (1919-1925): An Organizational History http://www.marxisthistory.org/subject/usa/eam/abb.html.
“NYCLU Class-Action Lawsuit Challenges NYPD Stop-and-Frisk Practice of Keeping Innocent New Yorkers in Database for Criminal Investigations” May 19, 2010
http://www.aclu.org/racial-justice/nyclu-class-action-lawsuit-challenges-nypd-stop-and-frisk-practice-keeping-innocent-n.
As the global economic situation worsens and the US is bogged down in wars, breaks in the system will occur which allow social movements to arise. To counter this trend, the United States, the military arm of transnational capital, will display more military aggression. Of course, the president is simply continuing the expansionary and imperialistic policies of the white settler regime in North America that started with the theft of First Nation (Native American) lands and enslavement of African people.
In 2008, the US navy reactivated the Fourth fleet. The Fourth fleet was established during World War II to combat the German Navy in Latin American waters. Following the end of the war, the fleet was deactivated. Although the US military contends the Fourth fleet’s reactivation is not a fundamental change in policy, governments in the region assert its purpose is to stop the rise of social movements in Latin America.
These fears are a product of the US Monroe doctrine beginning in the 1820s that stated the entire Western Hemisphere is the United States ‘sphere of influence.’ In keeping with the Monroe Doctrine, the US has overthrown virtually every government in Latin America from Guatemala (1954) to Chile (1973). The more recent coup attempts were in Venezuela (2002) and Bolivia (2008). Also, the leadership of the recent coup in Honduras (2010) was trained at the infamous ‘School of the Americas ’ in Fort Benning, Georgia.
Furthermore in 2008, the United States established the Africa Command (AFRICOM). While the US military declares that AFRICOM is only a restructuring of their command system due to Africa‘s ‘renewed importance’, African governments argue AFRICOMs creation is dependent upon the fact that the US will soon receive 25% of its oil from the African continent. These fears are not unfounded. The beginning of US diplomatic relations with the African continent were the European slave trade. Later, during the Cold War, the CIA supported several assassinations and coups such as in the Democratic Republic of Congo (1960) and Ghana (1966).
Moreover, in May 2008 the US conducted a war games exercise at the US Army War College in Carlisle, PA called “Unified Quest 2008.” The war games included a US response to continued “piracy” and insurgency in Somalia set in 2025 and the collapse of the Nigerian government in 2013. Although the details of the Somalia response were not disclosed, the response to the Nigerian scenario included the deployment of thousands of US troops to West Africa.
As a political commentator stated “you can’t have empire abroad and democracy at home.” Increased US militarism does not bode well for domestically colonized nations in the United States such as Chicanos and Africans. For example, the state of Arizona passed SB 1070 which de facto legalizes racial profiling and forces immigrants to provide documentation on request or risk being detained.
It must remembered, that Arizona was stolen from Mexico during the Mexican-American War. A case in point, in his newspaper the North Star Fredrick Douglass stated the US government “succeeded in robbing Mexico of her territory, and are rejoicing over their success under the hypocritical pretense of a regard for peace.” Similarly, in NYC residents are subjected to stop and frisk policies where upon ‘reasonable suspicion’ NYPD can search any individual for concealed weapons. The American Civil Liberties Union states over 80% those stopped were African or Latino. In addition, similar to checkpoints in Palestine or Afghanistan, in 2008, the DCPD set up checkpoints in the majority African neighborhood of Trinidad in Washington DC.
The African Freedom Movement in the United States has a long history of self-defense against state repression. Two notable works and organizations that should be studied by committed African activists, intellectuals, and street organizations (gangs) are the African Blood Brotherhood (ABB) and Kwame Nkrumah’s The Handbook of Revolutionary Warfare. Founded in 1919, the ABB was a revolutionary Black Nationalist organization that operated on a clandestine basis. They were crucial in the defense of Africans during white attacks on Black communities in the Red Summer of 1919. The Handbook describes how to conduct rural guerilla warfare on the African continent. The coming period of reaction will test our movement for national liberation and self determination.
Blum, William. Killing Hope: US Military and CIA Interventions Since World War II. Common Courage Press. 1995.
DeYounge, Karen & Jaffe, Greg. "U.S. 'secret war' expands globally as Special Operations forces take larger role." New York Times Friday June, 4 2010
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/06/03/AR2010060304965.html
Douglass, Frederick. “Frederick Douglass on the Mexican America War,” in Herbert Aptheker, ed. A Documentary History of the Negro People. vol. 1 (New York: Citadel Press, 1967), 267.
Kozloff, Nikolas. “U.S. Fleet in Venezuelan Waters” CounterPunch May 24-25, 2008.
http://www.counterpunch.org/kozloff05242008.html.
Nkrumah, Kwame. The Handbook of Revolutionary Warfare: A Guide to the Armed Phase of the African Revolution. (International Publishers 1968).
Volman, Daniel. U.S. Military Involvement in Nigeria. September 2009.
http://concernedafricascholars.org/african-security-research-project/?p=83
African Blood Brotherhood (1919-1925): An Organizational History http://www.marxisthistory.org/subject/usa/eam/abb.html.
“NYCLU Class-Action Lawsuit Challenges NYPD Stop-and-Frisk Practice of Keeping Innocent New Yorkers in Database for Criminal Investigations” May 19, 2010
http://www.aclu.org/racial-justice/nyclu-class-action-lawsuit-challenges-nypd-stop-and-frisk-practice-keeping-innocent-n.
Tuesday, June 15, 2010
Colonial Education and Neoliberalism
Throughout the United States, teachers unions are currently renegotiating their contracts due to the budget shortfalls on the local and state level caused by the global crisis of capitalism. Although teachers are often blamed for the failures of public education, the problems can be traced to the origins of the American education system. For example, in the September 2003 edition of Harpers magazine, educational historian John Taylor Gatto writes that the American education system was modeled on the Prussian system.
Prussian education was designed to socialize its population to submit and not question the authority of Prussian military and political leadership. After learning about the Prussian system in the early 19th century, Horace Mann, the father of American education, traveled to Prussia and would later base America education on the Prussian model. The current negotiations of teachers unions contracts are extremely significant for recipients of colonial education such as Africans in the U.S.
The current capitalist generated crisis is the result of economic changes since the 1970s. At that time, capitalism entered a new phase called global capitalism or “globalization.” One feature of this new phase is neoliberal economics. Dr. George Wright identifies the five characteristics of neoliberalism as 1) deregulation, 2) reducing the public sector, 3) cutting taxes for the wealthy, 4) privatizing public services, and 5) smashing unions. These changes have greatly benefited organizations such as the U.S. Business Roundtable (BR).
Founded in 1972, the BR is composed of the CEOs of the largest corporations in the US. In 1989, the BR dedicated their entire annual meeting to public education. Similar to northern industrialist in the late 19th century who saw the US economy transitioning from an agrarian to an industrial economy, the BR foresaw the current transition from an industrial to an service based economy. Therefore, they united with policy makers, think tanks and non-profits to reorient public education toward standardized tests which culminated in the No Child Left Behind Act. Standardized tests and charters are now hallmarks of public education in the U.S.
President Obama has made charter schools a central part of his education policy. To help his cause, he hired Arne Duncan the former CEO (yes, not superintendent but C-E-O) of Chicago public schools, as Secretary of Education. Charter schools receive public funding but are privately operated. Charters amount to the privatization of public education that allows hedge funds, private equity firms, and financiers to profit from investing in charter schools.
As part of the economic stimulus, the Obama administration instituted a program called “Race to the Top.” The program allocates $4.3 billion to eligible cities and states. One criteria for eligibility is the removal of caps on the number of charter schools in the state. Former Congressman Newt Gingrich, Arne Duncan, and comprador elite Al Sharpton have teamed up to ‘reform’ (i.e. privatize) public education in NYC. New York Daily News reporter Jaun Gonzalez writes that for their assistance with the ‘reforms‘, Al Sharpton and the National Action Network received $500,000 from a Connecticut based hedge fund called Plainfield Asset Management, where the former chancellor of NYC schools is the managing director.
In Washington D.C. mayor Adrian Fenty has tapped, Teacher for America alumnus, Michelle Rhee to renegotiate the teachers contract. Since entering her post as chancellor, Rhee has had a contentious relationship with teachers unions. In 2009, she laid off 266 teachers in the DCPS ostensibly because of budget shortfalls. It was later discovered that, in fact, there was a budget surplus of $34 million.
In addition, to finance the new pay increases for teachers under the new contract, Rhee raised $64.5 million from private foundations (Broad, Walton, Robertson and Arnold). She is currently under investigation by the Office of Campaign Finance for stipulating that the leadership of the school district must not change or the donations will be discontinued.
Ultimately, the above information demonstrates that the education of African children must be in the hands of Africans themselves. During the Black Power Movement two important movements occurred concerning African education: 1) the creation of the Council of Independent Black Institutions and 2) community control of school movement. Both offer exemplar models for African education. The education of our children is central to the success of our movement for national liberation and self determination.
Brill, Steven. “The Teacher’s Unions Last Stand” New York Times May 17, 2010. http://www.nytimes.com/2010/05/23/magazine/23Race-t.html.
Emery, Kathy. (2002).The Business Roundtable and Systemic Reform: How Corporate-Engineered High-Stakes Testing Has Eliminated Community Participation in Developing Educational Goals and Policies. UC Davis, PhD Dissertation.
Gabriel, Trip & Medina, Jennifer. “Charter Schools New Cheerleaders: Financiers.” New York Times May 9, 2010. http://www.nytimes.com/2010/05/10/nyregion/10charter.html?pagewanted=1.
Gatto, John Taylor. “Against School:How public education cripplesour kids, and why.” Harpers September 2003.
Gonzalez, Jaun. “Rev. Al Sharpton's $500G link to education reform.” New York Daily News March 31 2009. http://www.nydailynews.com/news/2009/04/01/2009-04-01_rev_al_sharptons_500g_link_to_education_.html.
Turque, Bill. “D.C. Agency to Probe Rhee‘s Critics Complain Over Ethics of School Funds Clause.” Washington Post June 8, 2010. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/06/07/AR2010060703046.html.
Turque, Bill. “Rhee’s Budget Surplus Revelation Angers Teacher’s Unions” Washinton Post April 14, 2010. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wpdyn/content/article/2010/04/13/AR2010041302834.html?sid=ST2010041303665.
Wright, George. “Neoliberalism and the Assault on Public Education: A Brief History.” The Advocate May 2010.
Prussian education was designed to socialize its population to submit and not question the authority of Prussian military and political leadership. After learning about the Prussian system in the early 19th century, Horace Mann, the father of American education, traveled to Prussia and would later base America education on the Prussian model. The current negotiations of teachers unions contracts are extremely significant for recipients of colonial education such as Africans in the U.S.
The current capitalist generated crisis is the result of economic changes since the 1970s. At that time, capitalism entered a new phase called global capitalism or “globalization.” One feature of this new phase is neoliberal economics. Dr. George Wright identifies the five characteristics of neoliberalism as 1) deregulation, 2) reducing the public sector, 3) cutting taxes for the wealthy, 4) privatizing public services, and 5) smashing unions. These changes have greatly benefited organizations such as the U.S. Business Roundtable (BR).
Founded in 1972, the BR is composed of the CEOs of the largest corporations in the US. In 1989, the BR dedicated their entire annual meeting to public education. Similar to northern industrialist in the late 19th century who saw the US economy transitioning from an agrarian to an industrial economy, the BR foresaw the current transition from an industrial to an service based economy. Therefore, they united with policy makers, think tanks and non-profits to reorient public education toward standardized tests which culminated in the No Child Left Behind Act. Standardized tests and charters are now hallmarks of public education in the U.S.
President Obama has made charter schools a central part of his education policy. To help his cause, he hired Arne Duncan the former CEO (yes, not superintendent but C-E-O) of Chicago public schools, as Secretary of Education. Charter schools receive public funding but are privately operated. Charters amount to the privatization of public education that allows hedge funds, private equity firms, and financiers to profit from investing in charter schools.
As part of the economic stimulus, the Obama administration instituted a program called “Race to the Top.” The program allocates $4.3 billion to eligible cities and states. One criteria for eligibility is the removal of caps on the number of charter schools in the state. Former Congressman Newt Gingrich, Arne Duncan, and comprador elite Al Sharpton have teamed up to ‘reform’ (i.e. privatize) public education in NYC. New York Daily News reporter Jaun Gonzalez writes that for their assistance with the ‘reforms‘, Al Sharpton and the National Action Network received $500,000 from a Connecticut based hedge fund called Plainfield Asset Management, where the former chancellor of NYC schools is the managing director.
In Washington D.C. mayor Adrian Fenty has tapped, Teacher for America alumnus, Michelle Rhee to renegotiate the teachers contract. Since entering her post as chancellor, Rhee has had a contentious relationship with teachers unions. In 2009, she laid off 266 teachers in the DCPS ostensibly because of budget shortfalls. It was later discovered that, in fact, there was a budget surplus of $34 million.
In addition, to finance the new pay increases for teachers under the new contract, Rhee raised $64.5 million from private foundations (Broad, Walton, Robertson and Arnold). She is currently under investigation by the Office of Campaign Finance for stipulating that the leadership of the school district must not change or the donations will be discontinued.
Ultimately, the above information demonstrates that the education of African children must be in the hands of Africans themselves. During the Black Power Movement two important movements occurred concerning African education: 1) the creation of the Council of Independent Black Institutions and 2) community control of school movement. Both offer exemplar models for African education. The education of our children is central to the success of our movement for national liberation and self determination.
Brill, Steven. “The Teacher’s Unions Last Stand” New York Times May 17, 2010. http://www.nytimes.com/2010/05/23/magazine/23Race-t.html.
Emery, Kathy. (2002).The Business Roundtable and Systemic Reform: How Corporate-Engineered High-Stakes Testing Has Eliminated Community Participation in Developing Educational Goals and Policies. UC Davis, PhD Dissertation.
Gabriel, Trip & Medina, Jennifer. “Charter Schools New Cheerleaders: Financiers.” New York Times May 9, 2010. http://www.nytimes.com/2010/05/10/nyregion/10charter.html?pagewanted=1.
Gatto, John Taylor. “Against School:How public education cripplesour kids, and why.” Harpers September 2003.
Gonzalez, Jaun. “Rev. Al Sharpton's $500G link to education reform.” New York Daily News March 31 2009. http://www.nydailynews.com/news/2009/04/01/2009-04-01_rev_al_sharptons_500g_link_to_education_.html.
Turque, Bill. “D.C. Agency to Probe Rhee‘s Critics Complain Over Ethics of School Funds Clause.” Washington Post June 8, 2010. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/06/07/AR2010060703046.html.
Turque, Bill. “Rhee’s Budget Surplus Revelation Angers Teacher’s Unions” Washinton Post April 14, 2010. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wpdyn/content/article/2010/04/13/AR2010041302834.html?sid=ST2010041303665.
Wright, George. “Neoliberalism and the Assault on Public Education: A Brief History.” The Advocate May 2010.
Monday, June 7, 2010
The Failure of negro Leadership
The New York Times printed a revealing article on February 13, 2010 titled “In Black Caucus, A Fund-Raising Powerhouse.” The article discusses the large donations the Congressional Black Caucus receives from corporations, foundations, and wealthy individuals. Moreover, it demonstrates the ongoing intergenerational failure of negro leadership in the United States.
i assert there are three crucial periods in African leadership: 1) the emergence of a ‘free’ northern based leadership in the early 19th century 2) the white appointment of Booker T. Washington as the leader of African America in the late 19th century and 3) the cooptation and incorporation of negro politicians in the post-Black Power era. This essay uses a theoretical framework of domestic colonialism. According to this theory, within a colonized nation, such as Africans in the United States, a portion of the indigenous colonized population is recruited to collaborate with the imperial power.
At the turn 19th century, a free primarily middle class northern African leadership emerged in the United States. At the same time, a new debate among African leaders developed concerning the identity and direction of the African community in the U.S. Unlike previous periods of the movement which advanced militant resistance such as maroons, insurrections, and emigration these leaders began to appeal to the liberal values of the U.S. founding documents and moral uplift. Dr. Leslie Alexander who examines this issue in her new book, African or American?, recently stated on Jazz and Justice radio:
“Black leadership in the 1830s and 1840s embraced a particular political strategy known as moral uplift…which states the way for Black people to gain freedom justice equality citizenship etc. is to present to white society the best possible face of the Black community to convince white people of their humanity and worthiness.”
A few decades later, Booker T. Washington echoed these statements preaching a doctrine of political passivity, moral uplift, and industrial education. Schools who taught industrial education such as Tuskegee Institute were funded by the leading Northern industrialists such as the Rockefeller, Carnegie, and Vanderbilt for the explicit purpose of producing a conservative negro leadership class.
By the late 1960s and 1970s, African leadership in the U.S. boldly moved in the direction of Black Nationalism, Pan Africanism, and Socialism. Unfortunately, due to their uncompromising stance several visionary leaders were assassinated, imprisoned, and forced into exile by the F.B.I.‘s COINTELPRO. During this same period, philanthropic foundations such as the Ford Foundation under the leadership of McGeorge Bundy financed a moderate to conservative negro leadership.
Today, the result are negro leaders such as President Barack Obama and Mayor Adrian Fenty in Washington D.C. Obama received $745 million in campaign financing, more than any other candidate for U.S. President in history. Although he is virtually silent in response to state terrorism against Africans (ex: police brutality), Obama is vocal in the defense of racist Zionist Israel who murders known pacifists delivering aid to poor, colonized people in the Gaza Strip. Furthermore, Fenty who raised $3.9 million as of March for his upcoming mayoral race, breaking his own campaign donation record, promotes privatization of schools (charters) and homeless shelters in the U.S. capitol. Privatization has been shown to assist elites, who financed his campaign, to accumulate more capital.
The utter failure of negro leadership in the U.S. not only affects political leadership but also African America’s most revered civil rights organizations. Although the NAACP was primarily started by white liberal jews and, at one point, was used to watch “negro dissidents“ by the U.S. government during World War I, it is known more for its numerous civil rights victories.
Today they collaborate with companies such as Wells Fargo who target Africans in the U.S. for unaffordable home loans thereby causing one of the single biggest loses of wealth in the African community’s history due to home foreclosures. For example, although the NAACP initially sued the lending company for targeting African borrowers, they later dropped the lawsuit and named Wells Fargo a lead sponsor for their 101st national convention in July of this year. For this and other reasons, in 1920 Harlem radical Hubert Harrison referred to the organization as the National Association for the Advancement of Certain People.
Several scholars such as Jacob Caruthers, Cedric Robinson, and Sterling Stuckey have discussed the intergenerational failure of negro leaders. However, the U.N.I.A. in the 1920s and the Black Power Movement were periods when Africans had an ideologically and financially independent leadership. In the 21st century the African Freedom Movement must adopt three principles espoused by the esteemed African freedom fighter Ella Baker: 1) working class leadership 2) youth leadership and 3) participatory democracy. These three principles can help us to overcome our current crisis of negro leadership and move in the direction of national liberation and self determination.
Alexander, Leslie. (2008) African or American: Black Identity and Activism in New York City, 1784-1861. Chicago: University of Illinois Press.
Allen, Robert. (1992) Black Awakening in Capitalist America. Trenton, NJ: African World Press.
Lipton Eric & Lichtblau, Eric. “In Black Caucus, a Fund-Raising Powerhouse.” New York Times. Febryary 13, 2010. http://www.nytimes.com/2010/02/14/us/politics/14cbc.html
Ransby, Barbara. (2005) Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement: A Radical Democratic Vision. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press.
Robinson, Cedric. (1997) Black Movements in America. New York: Routledge.
Stewart, Nikita. “D.C. Mayor Adrian Fenty surpasses 2006 fundraising record.” Friday March 12, 2010. http://www.nytimes.com/2010/02/14/us/politics/14cbc.html
Stuckey, Sterling. (1987) Slave Culture: Nationalist Theory and the Foundations of Black America. New York: Oxford University Press.
Watkins, William. (2001) The White Architects of Black Education: Ideology and Power in America, 1865-1954. New York: Teachers College Press.
i assert there are three crucial periods in African leadership: 1) the emergence of a ‘free’ northern based leadership in the early 19th century 2) the white appointment of Booker T. Washington as the leader of African America in the late 19th century and 3) the cooptation and incorporation of negro politicians in the post-Black Power era. This essay uses a theoretical framework of domestic colonialism. According to this theory, within a colonized nation, such as Africans in the United States, a portion of the indigenous colonized population is recruited to collaborate with the imperial power.
At the turn 19th century, a free primarily middle class northern African leadership emerged in the United States. At the same time, a new debate among African leaders developed concerning the identity and direction of the African community in the U.S. Unlike previous periods of the movement which advanced militant resistance such as maroons, insurrections, and emigration these leaders began to appeal to the liberal values of the U.S. founding documents and moral uplift. Dr. Leslie Alexander who examines this issue in her new book, African or American?, recently stated on Jazz and Justice radio:
“Black leadership in the 1830s and 1840s embraced a particular political strategy known as moral uplift…which states the way for Black people to gain freedom justice equality citizenship etc. is to present to white society the best possible face of the Black community to convince white people of their humanity and worthiness.”
A few decades later, Booker T. Washington echoed these statements preaching a doctrine of political passivity, moral uplift, and industrial education. Schools who taught industrial education such as Tuskegee Institute were funded by the leading Northern industrialists such as the Rockefeller, Carnegie, and Vanderbilt for the explicit purpose of producing a conservative negro leadership class.
By the late 1960s and 1970s, African leadership in the U.S. boldly moved in the direction of Black Nationalism, Pan Africanism, and Socialism. Unfortunately, due to their uncompromising stance several visionary leaders were assassinated, imprisoned, and forced into exile by the F.B.I.‘s COINTELPRO. During this same period, philanthropic foundations such as the Ford Foundation under the leadership of McGeorge Bundy financed a moderate to conservative negro leadership.
Today, the result are negro leaders such as President Barack Obama and Mayor Adrian Fenty in Washington D.C. Obama received $745 million in campaign financing, more than any other candidate for U.S. President in history. Although he is virtually silent in response to state terrorism against Africans (ex: police brutality), Obama is vocal in the defense of racist Zionist Israel who murders known pacifists delivering aid to poor, colonized people in the Gaza Strip. Furthermore, Fenty who raised $3.9 million as of March for his upcoming mayoral race, breaking his own campaign donation record, promotes privatization of schools (charters) and homeless shelters in the U.S. capitol. Privatization has been shown to assist elites, who financed his campaign, to accumulate more capital.
The utter failure of negro leadership in the U.S. not only affects political leadership but also African America’s most revered civil rights organizations. Although the NAACP was primarily started by white liberal jews and, at one point, was used to watch “negro dissidents“ by the U.S. government during World War I, it is known more for its numerous civil rights victories.
Today they collaborate with companies such as Wells Fargo who target Africans in the U.S. for unaffordable home loans thereby causing one of the single biggest loses of wealth in the African community’s history due to home foreclosures. For example, although the NAACP initially sued the lending company for targeting African borrowers, they later dropped the lawsuit and named Wells Fargo a lead sponsor for their 101st national convention in July of this year. For this and other reasons, in 1920 Harlem radical Hubert Harrison referred to the organization as the National Association for the Advancement of Certain People.
Several scholars such as Jacob Caruthers, Cedric Robinson, and Sterling Stuckey have discussed the intergenerational failure of negro leaders. However, the U.N.I.A. in the 1920s and the Black Power Movement were periods when Africans had an ideologically and financially independent leadership. In the 21st century the African Freedom Movement must adopt three principles espoused by the esteemed African freedom fighter Ella Baker: 1) working class leadership 2) youth leadership and 3) participatory democracy. These three principles can help us to overcome our current crisis of negro leadership and move in the direction of national liberation and self determination.
Alexander, Leslie. (2008) African or American: Black Identity and Activism in New York City, 1784-1861. Chicago: University of Illinois Press.
Allen, Robert. (1992) Black Awakening in Capitalist America. Trenton, NJ: African World Press.
Lipton Eric & Lichtblau, Eric. “In Black Caucus, a Fund-Raising Powerhouse.” New York Times. Febryary 13, 2010. http://www.nytimes.com/2010/02/14/us/politics/14cbc.html
Ransby, Barbara. (2005) Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement: A Radical Democratic Vision. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press.
Robinson, Cedric. (1997) Black Movements in America. New York: Routledge.
Stewart, Nikita. “D.C. Mayor Adrian Fenty surpasses 2006 fundraising record.” Friday March 12, 2010. http://www.nytimes.com/2010/02/14/us/politics/14cbc.html
Stuckey, Sterling. (1987) Slave Culture: Nationalist Theory and the Foundations of Black America. New York: Oxford University Press.
Watkins, William. (2001) The White Architects of Black Education: Ideology and Power in America, 1865-1954. New York: Teachers College Press.
Wednesday, January 28, 2009
A Message to the African Political Scientist
Free The Land,
The United States empire made history on January 20, 2009 with the inauguration of Barack Obama, the first negro president. An unprecedented number of Africans, of all ages, entered the electoral process for first time with a level of excitement unheard of in the authors lifetime. But it must be remembered, the phenomena of elected officials of African descent in the United States began during the Reconstruction era. The most recent set of African elected officials began in the late 1960’s and early 1970’s on a wave Black Power politics in majority African cities, counties, and districts. To a large extent, this group of officials oversaw the rise of the modern slave system (i.e. prison industrial complex), erosion of a domestic manufacturing base, and the introduction of crack cocaine into African communities. At the same time, a large number of African students entered predominantly white college campuses and received degrees in political science. Similar to that generation, the current generation must examine the role of the African political scientists in the African Freedom Movement. Contrary to mainstream white opinion, the new president does not represent the end of “Black politics” but, i contend, he signals a need to develop an African anti-imperialist analysis for the 21st century.
Mack Jones was an African political scientist who set forth the meaning and responsibility of his colleagues. He believed the first job of the African political scientists is to articulate an African worldview that is distinct from their colonizers. Oppressed nationalities that live under colonial domination, such as Africans in the U.S., are imposed with a definition of reality that emanates from their colonizer. The acceptance of the colonizers worldview impedes Africans ability to think and act independently. Today, very few African political scientists have read the works of African intellectuals that extend to the 19th century which includes David Walker, Martin Delany, Edward Blyden, Henry Highland Garnett, Henry McNeal Turner, Mary Ann Shadd Carey, Amy Jacques Garvey, Marcus Garvey, Harry Haywood, and Claudia Jones. Even Obama, stated one of his greatest inspirations in political history is Franklin Delano Roosevelt. It is difficult to believe, as a lawyer, he did not know that in the 1930’s when Africans were being lynched at a rate of every other day, FDR said and did virtually nothing. It is imperative that African political scientists not succumb to blind faith Obama-ism that is prevalent among a large number of Africans but, instead, examine his cabinet appointments and foreign and domestic policy.
Obama’s foreign policy is a continuation of western imperialism. He supports the Department of Defense new Africa command (AFRICOM). Fifty-three African states excluding Liberia, have stated they do not want AFRICOM based in their countries. They view AFRICOM as an attempt by the U.S. empire to re-colonize the African continent in order to control its mineral resources particularly oil. In addition, he supports the redeployment of up to 30,000 troops to the war in Afghanistan. A year after the invasion of Afghanistan the newly U.S.-installed president signed a deal to build an oil pipeline through Turkmenistan, Afghanistan, and Pakistan. Many Afghans and Pakistani people believe the real reason for the war is, not the so-called War on Terror but, to protect the new oil pipeline. Finally, Obama condemned the attacks on Mumbai, India in December but was silent when in a span of three weeks the Zionist regime that occupies Palestine killed over 1,300 Palestinians and injured over 5,000. This is because Obama has made more promises to the Zionist regime than the land of his father, Kenya, a neo-colonial state.
His domestic policy maintains the same colonial relationship between the U.S. empire and Africans in the U.S. During the course of his campaign Obama did not mention, let alone speak of abolishing, the modern slave system which has millions of African men and women enslaved. Moreover, when Africans like Sean Bell, Oscar Grant, and Adolph Grimes were unjustly murdered by the police he was virtually silent. And as Martin Luther King Jr. stated “There comes a time when silence is betrayal.” Lastly, in December of 2007 he voted to give telecommunications companies immunity who illegally provided customers information to the U.S. government. This is extremely relevant to Africans in America who were victims of illegal surveillance during the Counterintelligence Program (Cointelpro).
The author understands that the masses of Africans are feeling a great euphoria from the election of Barack Obama but we must remain vigilant. This path (being critical of Obama) is not popular but those of us who think it correct must follow it. As African political scientists, we must begin to dialogue with what Cedric Robinson calls the “Black Radical Tradition” which begins in the maroon communities of the 16th and 17th century and continues today. And remember, as Mack Jones asserted, African “political scientists bear the responsibility of clearly and brutally unraveling the devious ways in which the American political system serves to exploit the many for the benefit of the few.” Two organizations that can continue this tradition are the National Conference of Black Political Scientists and the National Council for Black Studies. Both organizations emerged from the movement in the 1960’s and 1970’s therefore can offer a unique perspective on these issues. They could begin by writing organizational position papers on issues such as AFRICOM and Zionist aggression. Also, they could establish relationships with progressive and revolutionary African organizations. If African political scientists play their role correctly, they can be integral in the struggle for national liberation and self-determination.
Towards A Unified Africa and Liberated New Afrika….
The United States empire made history on January 20, 2009 with the inauguration of Barack Obama, the first negro president. An unprecedented number of Africans, of all ages, entered the electoral process for first time with a level of excitement unheard of in the authors lifetime. But it must be remembered, the phenomena of elected officials of African descent in the United States began during the Reconstruction era. The most recent set of African elected officials began in the late 1960’s and early 1970’s on a wave Black Power politics in majority African cities, counties, and districts. To a large extent, this group of officials oversaw the rise of the modern slave system (i.e. prison industrial complex), erosion of a domestic manufacturing base, and the introduction of crack cocaine into African communities. At the same time, a large number of African students entered predominantly white college campuses and received degrees in political science. Similar to that generation, the current generation must examine the role of the African political scientists in the African Freedom Movement. Contrary to mainstream white opinion, the new president does not represent the end of “Black politics” but, i contend, he signals a need to develop an African anti-imperialist analysis for the 21st century.
Mack Jones was an African political scientist who set forth the meaning and responsibility of his colleagues. He believed the first job of the African political scientists is to articulate an African worldview that is distinct from their colonizers. Oppressed nationalities that live under colonial domination, such as Africans in the U.S., are imposed with a definition of reality that emanates from their colonizer. The acceptance of the colonizers worldview impedes Africans ability to think and act independently. Today, very few African political scientists have read the works of African intellectuals that extend to the 19th century which includes David Walker, Martin Delany, Edward Blyden, Henry Highland Garnett, Henry McNeal Turner, Mary Ann Shadd Carey, Amy Jacques Garvey, Marcus Garvey, Harry Haywood, and Claudia Jones. Even Obama, stated one of his greatest inspirations in political history is Franklin Delano Roosevelt. It is difficult to believe, as a lawyer, he did not know that in the 1930’s when Africans were being lynched at a rate of every other day, FDR said and did virtually nothing. It is imperative that African political scientists not succumb to blind faith Obama-ism that is prevalent among a large number of Africans but, instead, examine his cabinet appointments and foreign and domestic policy.
Obama’s foreign policy is a continuation of western imperialism. He supports the Department of Defense new Africa command (AFRICOM). Fifty-three African states excluding Liberia, have stated they do not want AFRICOM based in their countries. They view AFRICOM as an attempt by the U.S. empire to re-colonize the African continent in order to control its mineral resources particularly oil. In addition, he supports the redeployment of up to 30,000 troops to the war in Afghanistan. A year after the invasion of Afghanistan the newly U.S.-installed president signed a deal to build an oil pipeline through Turkmenistan, Afghanistan, and Pakistan. Many Afghans and Pakistani people believe the real reason for the war is, not the so-called War on Terror but, to protect the new oil pipeline. Finally, Obama condemned the attacks on Mumbai, India in December but was silent when in a span of three weeks the Zionist regime that occupies Palestine killed over 1,300 Palestinians and injured over 5,000. This is because Obama has made more promises to the Zionist regime than the land of his father, Kenya, a neo-colonial state.
His domestic policy maintains the same colonial relationship between the U.S. empire and Africans in the U.S. During the course of his campaign Obama did not mention, let alone speak of abolishing, the modern slave system which has millions of African men and women enslaved. Moreover, when Africans like Sean Bell, Oscar Grant, and Adolph Grimes were unjustly murdered by the police he was virtually silent. And as Martin Luther King Jr. stated “There comes a time when silence is betrayal.” Lastly, in December of 2007 he voted to give telecommunications companies immunity who illegally provided customers information to the U.S. government. This is extremely relevant to Africans in America who were victims of illegal surveillance during the Counterintelligence Program (Cointelpro).
The author understands that the masses of Africans are feeling a great euphoria from the election of Barack Obama but we must remain vigilant. This path (being critical of Obama) is not popular but those of us who think it correct must follow it. As African political scientists, we must begin to dialogue with what Cedric Robinson calls the “Black Radical Tradition” which begins in the maroon communities of the 16th and 17th century and continues today. And remember, as Mack Jones asserted, African “political scientists bear the responsibility of clearly and brutally unraveling the devious ways in which the American political system serves to exploit the many for the benefit of the few.” Two organizations that can continue this tradition are the National Conference of Black Political Scientists and the National Council for Black Studies. Both organizations emerged from the movement in the 1960’s and 1970’s therefore can offer a unique perspective on these issues. They could begin by writing organizational position papers on issues such as AFRICOM and Zionist aggression. Also, they could establish relationships with progressive and revolutionary African organizations. If African political scientists play their role correctly, they can be integral in the struggle for national liberation and self-determination.
Towards A Unified Africa and Liberated New Afrika….
Wednesday, January 7, 2009
Zionism, Palestinian Self-Determination, and Pan-Africanism
Free the Land,
Over the past five hundred years Europe has engaged in an expansive imperial project that has had an unprecedented impact upon indigenous cultures, the environment, and humanity in general. A central feature of the European imperial project has been the advent of settler-colonialism. Settler Colonialism is the conquering of a given territory then relocating a portion of the conquering nation to the newly colonized territory. In some instances, the goal of settler colonialism is to completely supplant the conquered population. A few examples are the United States, New Zealand, Australia, occupied Azania (South Africa), and occupied Palestine (Israel). This piece is a historical and contemporary examination of the Zionist regime that occupies Palestine. In this essay, I argue that the Zionist regime that occupies Palestine is a European settler-state which serves the geopolitical interest of and resource exploitation by Western imperial powers, such as the United States and Britain, in the Middle East region.
Unfortunately, most people who reside in the United States are not provided the historical background to the Arab-Israeli conflict by their educational institutions and media outlets. The Zionist regime is a product of the Zionist movement. The Zionist Movement contends that the only way Jews can be protected from persecution is the creation of a Jewish state in Palestine. The modern Zionist movement begins with the publication of The Jewish State in 1896 by Theodore Herzl, a secular Hungarian Jew. Prior to the end of World War I, Palestine was under the dominion of the Ottoman empire. Following the defeat and dismantling of the Ottoman empire after the war, Palestine became a British protectorate. Due to Zionist advocacy from individuals like Herzl, the British government wrote the Balfour Declaration in 1917. The Declaration was a letter sent by Foreign Minister Arthur James Balfour to Lord Walter Rothschild, of the Banking dynasty family, stating “His Majesty's Government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people.” At this time, over 90% of residents of Palestine were Arabs. But the increase in anti-Judaism during the interwar years in Europe sent hundreds of thousands Jews to colonize Palestine in order to escape persecution. Then, in 1948, the Zionist regime declared itself an independent state. The Zionist regime executed a massive expulsion program that instantly turned over 700,000 Palestinians into refugees. Palestinians refer to this event as al-Nakba (“the catastrophe” in Arabic). A large portion of their descendants currently live in the Gaza Strip.
The Palestinian people and neighboring Arab states have consistently resisted the Zionist regime culminating in several wars. A turning point in the ongoing struggle was the “Six Day War” in 1967. The war included Egypt, Jordan, and Syria. Following a so called “preemptive attack” upon Egypt’s air force, the Zionist regime delivered a resounding defeat to the Arab states solidifying their position as a regional superpower. That same year, the United Nations Security Council passed resolution 242 which called for “the withdrawal of Israeli armed forces from territories occupied in the recent conflict." But over forty years later, the Zionist regime still occupies one part of the territory, the West Bank. In fact, the Zionist regime continues to break international law by expanding settlements in the West Bank. According to the Israeli Committee Against Home Demolitions, since 1967 over 19,000 Palestinian homes have been demolished due to the expansion of Zionist settlements. Later, in 1993, the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and the Zionist regime agreed to a peace agreement called the Oslo Accords. While this event was portrayed as part of the process to create a Palestinian state, the truth is, the accords left power in the hands of the Zionist regime in crucial areas such as security (Article VII). Throughout most of the Arab world, the PLO is now viewed as collaborators with Zionism.
From about 1987-1993 and 2000-2006 the Palestinian movement for national liberation and self-determination reached a peak in a period called the First and Second Intifada (“Shaking Off” in Arabic), respectively. Though originating in the Egypt, Hamas emerged from the peaks of resistance as a major force for Palestinian liberation. Eventually, Hamas gained a parliamentary majority in free and fair elections in 2006 but the Zionist regime does not recognize Hamas as a legitimate government. Hamas continues to uncompromisingly fight for Palestinian self-determination. But because of the disproportionate military power of the Zionist regime, Hamas can only fire short and medium range rockets at the settlements and military compounds. Also, several Palestinians have engaged in a practice referred to as ‘suicide bombing.’ Therefore, the Zionist regime has placed security restrictions on Palestinians in the West Bank. In addition, though the Zionist regime abandoned its settlements in the Gaza Strip, it still controls the land, sea, and air space. For all intents and purposes Gaza is an open air prison.
Finally, on December 27th the Zionist regime began air assaults and ground raids on the Gaza strip. As of this writing, 680 Palestinians have been killed and over 3,500 wounded but only ten Israelis have died. The United Nations has reported that at least one in four murdered Palestinians are civilians, not armed combatants. Richard Falk, United Nations Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in the Palestinian Territories, asserts the current crisis was instigated by Zionist armed forces entering the Gaza strip. International observers condemn the actions of the Zionist regime but the United States consistently uses its veto power to block UN resolutions critical of the them. They are rarely subjected to sanctions for breaking international law. Desmond Tutu, the revered anti-apartheid activist, has said the situation in Palestine is reminiscent of occupied Azania during the apartheid era.
How does the Zionist regime, continue the complete political, economic, and military domination of Palestine? The United States empire is one of their most ardent supporters. According to a report issued by the Congressional Research Service called “Israel: U.S. Foreign Assistance”, since 1976 the Zionist regime has been the largest benefactor of U.S. aid receiving $3 billion dollars a year. In addition, they receive billions of dollars more in military assistance including tanks, missiles, and fighter jets. This assistance has allowed the Zionist regime to build one of the top ten arms industries in the world. Several of the arms are used in conflicts in Africa and other parts of the so called Global South. Moreover, in a great expose in the Guardian called “Brothers in arms - Israel's secret pact with Pretoria” Chris McGreal reported that the Zionist regime supplied the South African government with arms during apartheid and helped them to develop nuclear technology. These arms were used to terrorize Africans during the liberation movement in occupied Azania. Furthermore, the Christian Science Monitor reported, in a piece called “Inside Israel’s Diamond Trade: A Family Affair”, about 50% of the worlds diamonds are cut and polished in the Zionist state then exported primarily to Europe and North America. A large portion of these diamonds originate from conflicts in poor countries like Sierra Leone and the DRC. Therefore, the Zionist regime is an exploiter of Africa and Palestine.
The first step for African progressives and revolutionaries is to form an African Anti-Zionist Front organization. The front should be composed of individuals and organizations opposed to Zionist occupation of Palestine and exploitation of the African continent. This formation can serve a strategic role in the Palestinian and Pan-African movements for national liberation and self-determination.
Towards a Unified Africa and Liberated New Afrika….
Over the past five hundred years Europe has engaged in an expansive imperial project that has had an unprecedented impact upon indigenous cultures, the environment, and humanity in general. A central feature of the European imperial project has been the advent of settler-colonialism. Settler Colonialism is the conquering of a given territory then relocating a portion of the conquering nation to the newly colonized territory. In some instances, the goal of settler colonialism is to completely supplant the conquered population. A few examples are the United States, New Zealand, Australia, occupied Azania (South Africa), and occupied Palestine (Israel). This piece is a historical and contemporary examination of the Zionist regime that occupies Palestine. In this essay, I argue that the Zionist regime that occupies Palestine is a European settler-state which serves the geopolitical interest of and resource exploitation by Western imperial powers, such as the United States and Britain, in the Middle East region.
Unfortunately, most people who reside in the United States are not provided the historical background to the Arab-Israeli conflict by their educational institutions and media outlets. The Zionist regime is a product of the Zionist movement. The Zionist Movement contends that the only way Jews can be protected from persecution is the creation of a Jewish state in Palestine. The modern Zionist movement begins with the publication of The Jewish State in 1896 by Theodore Herzl, a secular Hungarian Jew. Prior to the end of World War I, Palestine was under the dominion of the Ottoman empire. Following the defeat and dismantling of the Ottoman empire after the war, Palestine became a British protectorate. Due to Zionist advocacy from individuals like Herzl, the British government wrote the Balfour Declaration in 1917. The Declaration was a letter sent by Foreign Minister Arthur James Balfour to Lord Walter Rothschild, of the Banking dynasty family, stating “His Majesty's Government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people.” At this time, over 90% of residents of Palestine were Arabs. But the increase in anti-Judaism during the interwar years in Europe sent hundreds of thousands Jews to colonize Palestine in order to escape persecution. Then, in 1948, the Zionist regime declared itself an independent state. The Zionist regime executed a massive expulsion program that instantly turned over 700,000 Palestinians into refugees. Palestinians refer to this event as al-Nakba (“the catastrophe” in Arabic). A large portion of their descendants currently live in the Gaza Strip.
The Palestinian people and neighboring Arab states have consistently resisted the Zionist regime culminating in several wars. A turning point in the ongoing struggle was the “Six Day War” in 1967. The war included Egypt, Jordan, and Syria. Following a so called “preemptive attack” upon Egypt’s air force, the Zionist regime delivered a resounding defeat to the Arab states solidifying their position as a regional superpower. That same year, the United Nations Security Council passed resolution 242 which called for “the withdrawal of Israeli armed forces from territories occupied in the recent conflict." But over forty years later, the Zionist regime still occupies one part of the territory, the West Bank. In fact, the Zionist regime continues to break international law by expanding settlements in the West Bank. According to the Israeli Committee Against Home Demolitions, since 1967 over 19,000 Palestinian homes have been demolished due to the expansion of Zionist settlements. Later, in 1993, the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and the Zionist regime agreed to a peace agreement called the Oslo Accords. While this event was portrayed as part of the process to create a Palestinian state, the truth is, the accords left power in the hands of the Zionist regime in crucial areas such as security (Article VII). Throughout most of the Arab world, the PLO is now viewed as collaborators with Zionism.
From about 1987-1993 and 2000-2006 the Palestinian movement for national liberation and self-determination reached a peak in a period called the First and Second Intifada (“Shaking Off” in Arabic), respectively. Though originating in the Egypt, Hamas emerged from the peaks of resistance as a major force for Palestinian liberation. Eventually, Hamas gained a parliamentary majority in free and fair elections in 2006 but the Zionist regime does not recognize Hamas as a legitimate government. Hamas continues to uncompromisingly fight for Palestinian self-determination. But because of the disproportionate military power of the Zionist regime, Hamas can only fire short and medium range rockets at the settlements and military compounds. Also, several Palestinians have engaged in a practice referred to as ‘suicide bombing.’ Therefore, the Zionist regime has placed security restrictions on Palestinians in the West Bank. In addition, though the Zionist regime abandoned its settlements in the Gaza Strip, it still controls the land, sea, and air space. For all intents and purposes Gaza is an open air prison.
Finally, on December 27th the Zionist regime began air assaults and ground raids on the Gaza strip. As of this writing, 680 Palestinians have been killed and over 3,500 wounded but only ten Israelis have died. The United Nations has reported that at least one in four murdered Palestinians are civilians, not armed combatants. Richard Falk, United Nations Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in the Palestinian Territories, asserts the current crisis was instigated by Zionist armed forces entering the Gaza strip. International observers condemn the actions of the Zionist regime but the United States consistently uses its veto power to block UN resolutions critical of the them. They are rarely subjected to sanctions for breaking international law. Desmond Tutu, the revered anti-apartheid activist, has said the situation in Palestine is reminiscent of occupied Azania during the apartheid era.
How does the Zionist regime, continue the complete political, economic, and military domination of Palestine? The United States empire is one of their most ardent supporters. According to a report issued by the Congressional Research Service called “Israel: U.S. Foreign Assistance”, since 1976 the Zionist regime has been the largest benefactor of U.S. aid receiving $3 billion dollars a year. In addition, they receive billions of dollars more in military assistance including tanks, missiles, and fighter jets. This assistance has allowed the Zionist regime to build one of the top ten arms industries in the world. Several of the arms are used in conflicts in Africa and other parts of the so called Global South. Moreover, in a great expose in the Guardian called “Brothers in arms - Israel's secret pact with Pretoria” Chris McGreal reported that the Zionist regime supplied the South African government with arms during apartheid and helped them to develop nuclear technology. These arms were used to terrorize Africans during the liberation movement in occupied Azania. Furthermore, the Christian Science Monitor reported, in a piece called “Inside Israel’s Diamond Trade: A Family Affair”, about 50% of the worlds diamonds are cut and polished in the Zionist state then exported primarily to Europe and North America. A large portion of these diamonds originate from conflicts in poor countries like Sierra Leone and the DRC. Therefore, the Zionist regime is an exploiter of Africa and Palestine.
The first step for African progressives and revolutionaries is to form an African Anti-Zionist Front organization. The front should be composed of individuals and organizations opposed to Zionist occupation of Palestine and exploitation of the African continent. This formation can serve a strategic role in the Palestinian and Pan-African movements for national liberation and self-determination.
Towards a Unified Africa and Liberated New Afrika….
Tuesday, December 30, 2008
The State of the Movement
FREE THE LAND,
As 2009 begins, the United States Empire is undergoing a profound structural crisis that is detrimentally affecting the lives of Africans in the U.S. and all oppressed and colonized nations worldwide. This crisis is the result of several contradictions produced by transnational capitalism. These problems include, but are not limited to, the erosion of a domestic manufacturing base, the deregulation of financial markets, and the stagnation of workers’ wages. Furthermore, since the 1990’s communities and grassroots organizations in the so called Global South have organized against the imposition of neoliberal economic policies imposed on their countries by the IMF, World Bank, and WTO. The election of Barack Obama, the first negro president, and the emergence of anti-imperialist movements signals an excellent opportunity for African progressives and revolutionaries born AFTER the Civil Rights/Black Power era to develop an analysis of the state of the African Freedom Movement (AFM) in the United States. This essay is an analysis of the current and historical trends of the AFM and presents a brief outline of future steps to reenergize Our movement.
i have identified five reasons to explain the current disorganization of the AFM:
1) Military Assault. In the 1960’s and 70’s the AFM entered the Black Power Era. This period was characterized by Black Nationalist organizations that had strong support among poor and working class Africans. To counteract this mass-based insurgency the U.S. Empire established the Counterintelligence Program (Cointelpro). The purpose of Cointelpro was to “disrupt, discredit, and otherwise neutralize Black Nationalist ‘hate type’ organizations.” The actions of Cointelpro included illegal surveillance, infiltration of African organizations, false media reports, imprisonment, and even assassinations. Several organizers remain imprisoned from this period such as Sundiata Acoli, Jalil Muntaqim, Sekou Odinga, and Mutulu Shakur.
2) CIA-Crack Cocaine. Following the setbacks suffered by the Black Power insurgency, the African masses were without leadership and, virtually, locked out of the mainstream economy. Therefore, in the 1980’s many Africans resorted to the underground economy i.e. crack-cocaine. In April 1989, at the Senate Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Communications, Sen. John Kerry of Massachusetts acknowledged the complicity of the CIA in introducing crack into African communities in the U.S. Moreover, the U.S. instituted draconian drug laws that contributed to the expansion of the modern slave system i.e. the prison industrial complex.
3) Class divisions. Since at least the early 19th century, Africans have been stratified by social class. However, the African elite have been more progressive in comparison to their white counterparts. The success of the Civil Rights Movement to produce democratic reforms generated a rise in the number of the national and petty bourgeoisie. But unlike their progenitors, this groups class status did not come from providing goods and services to segregated African communities but through education at predominantly white institutions and employment at transnational corporations. For these reasons, a sector of the African elite has abdicated their leadership role in the AFM. Unlike previous generations, they contend the subordinate position of Africans is caused not by structural inequalities but is self-inflicted. Examples are the recent pronouncements of Bill Cosby at an NAACP conference and Barack Obama on Father’s Day at a local Chicago Church.
4) Ideological Warfare. Since the late 1960’s the U.S. Empire has pursued an intense propaganda campaign against the African community that has contributed to Our lack of ideological clarity. Scholars like James Anderson and Mwalimu Shujaa have documented the role of colonial education in the history of Africans in America. However, i contend, that media is just as instrumental in shaping public opinion as education in the era of mass communications. A case in point, reactionary hip-hop promoted by the white corporate media is transmitting Eurocentric values such as individualism, materialism, misogyny, and much more to the African masses, particularly African youth.
5) Lack of Institutions. A friend once correctly observed: institutions produce collective consciousness. Conversely, the African community in the U.S. has not sufficiently created enough viable and life-sustaining institutions. Unfortunately, institutions created during the Black Power era were limited to Africana Studies departments, artistic institutions, bookstores and a few independent schools. All of which are necessary, but have not reached the majority of Africans in America. The reason, in part, is that many organizers during this period were under thirty years of age and therefore lacked the long-term vision to create viable independent institutions. Also, due to the insurgent national liberation movements in Africa and Asia, anti-war movement, and American Indian/Chicano/Puerto Rican movements in the U.S., Africans believed that “the revolution” was right around the corner. Regrettably, they were incorrect.
All of the abovementioned attacks and missteps have contributed to the current disarray of the contemporary AFM. The generation born after 1975 has consistently suffered defeat after defeat such as the slow dismantling of democratic gains from the Civil Rights Movement, HIV/AIDS epidemic, and the deterioration of the African extended family. And because the Black Nationalist movement is weak at this time, the African community is excited about a negro Democratic president, Barack Obama, who virtually ignores Our concerns and appoints a cabinet almost identical to a previous conservative Democratic president, Bill “Slick Willie” Clinton.
The AFM must utilize a two pronged approach: internal and external. Internally, we must build for-profit institutions. A significant portion of organizers have become dependent upon 501(c3)’s and protest politics. For-profits will help to generate capital that can sustain full time organizers and become a true national liberation movement that can provide basic services to our community similar to organizations like the Black Panther Party or Hezbollah of Lebanon. An example is Soul Vegetarian restaurants operated by the Hebrew Israelite community which provide quality, healthy food to Our people while generating capital. Next, the creation of after-school programs that instill an African identity into our children is essential. And finally, a mass-based political education program conducted in churches and communities center’s across the country. Our people must understand that the root cause of our problems is imperialism and capitalism and that true liberation can only transpire when we achieve self-determination and national independence.
Externally, we must continue to fight the ongoing human rights abuses committed against Our people by the U.S. empire. The first struggle we must wage is for a constitutional amendment that ends slavery once and for all. Africans were brought to this country as tools of production to enrich a European settler state, the United States. At this time, almost two million Africans are enslaved behind prison walls. And finally, we should attempt to revitalize the community control of school movement. This movement should be coterminous with or, eventually, supplanted by an independent school movement. The majority of Our children will attend public schools for the foreseeable future; therefore they should be directly accountable to parents. An insurgent Black Nationalist Movement can provide Africans with leadership during this period of “neoliberal globalization” and economic instability.
Towards a Unified Africa and Liberated New Afrika…..
As 2009 begins, the United States Empire is undergoing a profound structural crisis that is detrimentally affecting the lives of Africans in the U.S. and all oppressed and colonized nations worldwide. This crisis is the result of several contradictions produced by transnational capitalism. These problems include, but are not limited to, the erosion of a domestic manufacturing base, the deregulation of financial markets, and the stagnation of workers’ wages. Furthermore, since the 1990’s communities and grassroots organizations in the so called Global South have organized against the imposition of neoliberal economic policies imposed on their countries by the IMF, World Bank, and WTO. The election of Barack Obama, the first negro president, and the emergence of anti-imperialist movements signals an excellent opportunity for African progressives and revolutionaries born AFTER the Civil Rights/Black Power era to develop an analysis of the state of the African Freedom Movement (AFM) in the United States. This essay is an analysis of the current and historical trends of the AFM and presents a brief outline of future steps to reenergize Our movement.
i have identified five reasons to explain the current disorganization of the AFM:
1) Military Assault. In the 1960’s and 70’s the AFM entered the Black Power Era. This period was characterized by Black Nationalist organizations that had strong support among poor and working class Africans. To counteract this mass-based insurgency the U.S. Empire established the Counterintelligence Program (Cointelpro). The purpose of Cointelpro was to “disrupt, discredit, and otherwise neutralize Black Nationalist ‘hate type’ organizations.” The actions of Cointelpro included illegal surveillance, infiltration of African organizations, false media reports, imprisonment, and even assassinations. Several organizers remain imprisoned from this period such as Sundiata Acoli, Jalil Muntaqim, Sekou Odinga, and Mutulu Shakur.
2) CIA-Crack Cocaine. Following the setbacks suffered by the Black Power insurgency, the African masses were without leadership and, virtually, locked out of the mainstream economy. Therefore, in the 1980’s many Africans resorted to the underground economy i.e. crack-cocaine. In April 1989, at the Senate Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Communications, Sen. John Kerry of Massachusetts acknowledged the complicity of the CIA in introducing crack into African communities in the U.S. Moreover, the U.S. instituted draconian drug laws that contributed to the expansion of the modern slave system i.e. the prison industrial complex.
3) Class divisions. Since at least the early 19th century, Africans have been stratified by social class. However, the African elite have been more progressive in comparison to their white counterparts. The success of the Civil Rights Movement to produce democratic reforms generated a rise in the number of the national and petty bourgeoisie. But unlike their progenitors, this groups class status did not come from providing goods and services to segregated African communities but through education at predominantly white institutions and employment at transnational corporations. For these reasons, a sector of the African elite has abdicated their leadership role in the AFM. Unlike previous generations, they contend the subordinate position of Africans is caused not by structural inequalities but is self-inflicted. Examples are the recent pronouncements of Bill Cosby at an NAACP conference and Barack Obama on Father’s Day at a local Chicago Church.
4) Ideological Warfare. Since the late 1960’s the U.S. Empire has pursued an intense propaganda campaign against the African community that has contributed to Our lack of ideological clarity. Scholars like James Anderson and Mwalimu Shujaa have documented the role of colonial education in the history of Africans in America. However, i contend, that media is just as instrumental in shaping public opinion as education in the era of mass communications. A case in point, reactionary hip-hop promoted by the white corporate media is transmitting Eurocentric values such as individualism, materialism, misogyny, and much more to the African masses, particularly African youth.
5) Lack of Institutions. A friend once correctly observed: institutions produce collective consciousness. Conversely, the African community in the U.S. has not sufficiently created enough viable and life-sustaining institutions. Unfortunately, institutions created during the Black Power era were limited to Africana Studies departments, artistic institutions, bookstores and a few independent schools. All of which are necessary, but have not reached the majority of Africans in America. The reason, in part, is that many organizers during this period were under thirty years of age and therefore lacked the long-term vision to create viable independent institutions. Also, due to the insurgent national liberation movements in Africa and Asia, anti-war movement, and American Indian/Chicano/Puerto Rican movements in the U.S., Africans believed that “the revolution” was right around the corner. Regrettably, they were incorrect.
All of the abovementioned attacks and missteps have contributed to the current disarray of the contemporary AFM. The generation born after 1975 has consistently suffered defeat after defeat such as the slow dismantling of democratic gains from the Civil Rights Movement, HIV/AIDS epidemic, and the deterioration of the African extended family. And because the Black Nationalist movement is weak at this time, the African community is excited about a negro Democratic president, Barack Obama, who virtually ignores Our concerns and appoints a cabinet almost identical to a previous conservative Democratic president, Bill “Slick Willie” Clinton.
The AFM must utilize a two pronged approach: internal and external. Internally, we must build for-profit institutions. A significant portion of organizers have become dependent upon 501(c3)’s and protest politics. For-profits will help to generate capital that can sustain full time organizers and become a true national liberation movement that can provide basic services to our community similar to organizations like the Black Panther Party or Hezbollah of Lebanon. An example is Soul Vegetarian restaurants operated by the Hebrew Israelite community which provide quality, healthy food to Our people while generating capital. Next, the creation of after-school programs that instill an African identity into our children is essential. And finally, a mass-based political education program conducted in churches and communities center’s across the country. Our people must understand that the root cause of our problems is imperialism and capitalism and that true liberation can only transpire when we achieve self-determination and national independence.
Externally, we must continue to fight the ongoing human rights abuses committed against Our people by the U.S. empire. The first struggle we must wage is for a constitutional amendment that ends slavery once and for all. Africans were brought to this country as tools of production to enrich a European settler state, the United States. At this time, almost two million Africans are enslaved behind prison walls. And finally, we should attempt to revitalize the community control of school movement. This movement should be coterminous with or, eventually, supplanted by an independent school movement. The majority of Our children will attend public schools for the foreseeable future; therefore they should be directly accountable to parents. An insurgent Black Nationalist Movement can provide Africans with leadership during this period of “neoliberal globalization” and economic instability.
Towards a Unified Africa and Liberated New Afrika…..
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