“Let the martial songs be written, let the dirges
disappear. Let a race of men [and women] now rise and take control.”
–Margaret Walker in For My People
“Let a
thousand flowers bloom and a hundred schools of thought contend” –Mao Tse Tung
Two weeks ago, Black
students at UC-Berkeley presented a series of demands to the university administration
including renaming Barrows Hall after former Black Panther, Assata Shakur. At the same time, after a student threw human
feces on the Cecil Rhodes statue at the University of Cape Town in South Africa,
Black students began the “Rhodes Must Fall” campaign. One of its main objectives is to remove the monument
of the mass murderer, Cecil Rhodes. While
both campaigns have clear symbolic meaning, they include larger issues like an
infusion of Black theorists in the curriculum, hiring more Black professors,
on-campus workers rights and more.
The rise in
student activism must be seen as connected to larger global rebellions such as
#BlackLivesMatter, Economic Freedom Fighters, and NUMSA’s United Front. Social movements help to produce a shift in
culture and consciousness. For example,
in the US, following the Ferguson uprising, hip-hop artists from G-Unit to
Lauryn Hill made songs to express their “Black Rage” at police terrorism. Even rapper J-Cole openly espoused Anti-Capitalist
politics in an interview on mainstream radio in New York. As movements emerge, new possibilities are
imagined, the impossible becomes possible.
Culture is a product of history. Historically,
under capitalism, white workers were exploited to produce commodities, but
Black workers WERE commodities. So,
although the oppression of Blacks is primarily economic, slavery and
colonialism produced an ideological superstructure to legitimate and reinforce
white supremacy in general and anti-Black racism in particular. Since all human beings have a history and
culture, one of the primary means used to exclude Blacks from the Human family
is to write Black people out of history.
In response to
centuries of dehumanization, Africans have resisted white domination through
forming Maroon communities, plantation insurrections, Populist, Labor, Black
Power, National Liberation Movements and more. While the colonizer uses history
to deny our humanity, for us, Our Art and History is a weapon we use to cut the
throat of our oppressor. The learning of
history helps us to de-colonize our minds but to be clear, there is no
pre-existing ‘African nation’ prior to slavery that we are attempting to
reclaim.
Our intent is to
supplant white imposed definitions of reality with Black definitions of the
world, therefore, we assert that Black or
Pan African identity is principally a product of the Black Liberation Movement.
Our common
oppression is not what makes us African, it is our movement for freedom that
give us consciousness of our identity. Therefore, we are not just acted upon
but are agents of history.
The Cultural
Revolution is not a Negritude project wherein we attempt to return to an
idealized African past or promote what Leopold Senghor calls “intuitive
reasoning” (Emotion is Negro, Reason is Greek).
The primary purpose of the Pan African Cultural Revolution is to
transform the values, consciousness, attitudes, norms, mores, etc. of African
people. As we transform society, we transform ourselves. Our Cultural Revolution has four goals:
1) To eliminate corruption and bureaucracy among leadership 2) To promote intellectual
independence 3) To encourage mass participation and 4) To instill a cohesive
identity and an anti-authoritarian ethic.
Neocolonialism
and neoliberalism have taken firm root in continental and diasporic African
communities. Neocolonialsim requires the
complicity of a comprador elite to facilitate labor exploitation and resource
extraction. Our Cultural Revolution is a
class struggle in the realm of ideas and culture wherein our current leaders
must transform or be replaced.
Furthermore, neoliberalism is more than a set of policies, it is an ideology
that presupposes the individual as the primary actor and unit of analysis.
In opposition, mass-based social movements advance
the communal values of solidarity, cooperation, self-sacrifice, and
discipline. Finally, the neoliberal
policies that facilitated the growth of NGOs and non-profits have assisted in the
ideological and organizational domination of White Liberals. This is a perennial problem in Africa and the
diaspora that can only be overcome by developing independent All-Black
organizations. To ensure its success,
the Pan African Cultural Revolution must have concrete policy objections. These include the creation of:
1)
Independent
All-African mass based organizations (ex: labor, women’s, students, youth,
religious, fraternal, political party, etc).
2)
Independent
Educational Institutions (universities, K-12, youth programs, cadre schools,
study groups, regular community political education, etc).
3)
Independent
African Art Institutions (theatre houses, museums, publishing houses, music
labels, distribution companies, etc.)
4)
Independent
Systems of Communications (radio, television, movie studios, social media, etc).
5)
Self
Defense Networks and/or a People’s Army
In addition, as
a central component of the Cultural Revolution, all of the above institutions
must create mass-based popular education regarding gender and sexuality in
order to challenge the patriarchal and hetero-normative ideas inculcated through
imperialism. The above organizations and
institutions are the primary vehicles to advance our Political Revolution. Therefore, the Cultural Revolution does not
occur before or after the Political Revolution but happens simultaneously and
continues once we capture state power.
Our Cultural
Revolution is inspired by the Black Arts Movement in the US, the Black
Consciousness Movement in South Africa, and the Cultural Revolution in
China. The fundamental objective of Political
Revolution is to democratize the means of production i.e. the establishment of
a Socialist system. Although we keep ‘Politics
in Command,’ without the Cultural Revolution the Political Revolution is
impossible.
Amandla! (Power)
Black Power!
Asijiki! (Forward)
#BlackLivesMatter!
A Luta Continua! (the struggle continues)
References
I Write What I Like by Steve Biko
Unity and Struggle by Amilcar Cabral
Wretched of the Earth by Frantz Fanon
A Dying Colonialism by Frantz Fanon
The Black Aesthetic by (Editor) Addison Gayle
Class Struggle in Africa by Kwame Nkrumah
Groundings With My Brothers by Walter Rodney
Revolution, Culture, and Pan-Africanism by Sekou Toure
The Unknown Cultural Revolution by Dongping Han
“On
Contradiction” by Mao Tse-Tung
Benjamin Woods is a PhD candidate at Howard University and co-founder of Students Against Mass Incarceration. He can be contacted at benjaminwoods1@yahoo.com, or through his website FreeTheLand.
Benjamin Woods is a PhD candidate at Howard University and co-founder of Students Against Mass Incarceration. He can be contacted at benjaminwoods1@yahoo.com, or through his website FreeTheLand.
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